All political revolutions focus on the young, and Cuba was no exception.
A group of young students are plucked from their normal middle-class lives and sent to teach illiterate masses in the most remote, poorest areas of the country, often with few resources and little support.
Obviously it’s Teach for America (kidding).
It is, in fact, the Literacy Campaign of 1961. Cuba’s young people embarked on a yearlong literacy campaign to correct a longstanding issue amongst their country’s rural poor, the results of which are still acclaimed throughout the world.
Cuba has the only museum that I know of that’s devoted to literacy. The Literacy Museum celebrates the 1961 campaign as well as Cuba’s efforts to spread its brand of “literacy” to other areas—although the content of the texts make me ever so skeptical about the true intentions of these campaigns.
Say what you will about the propaganda parade of days past, this had to be the most honest official experience I’ve had in Cuba (emphasis on “official.”) The director of the museum minced no words in describing the mission of the campaign: to educate the poor and indoctrinate them in the ideals of the revolution. She was sincere, devoted and thoroughly convinced of the righteousness of the cause, hence her matter-of-fact delivery and earnest display of the artifacts.
The 1962 campaign was probably done, at least by its participants, with the best of intentions. Thousands of young people, aged 8-19, left their houses (with the parents’ permission—though permission could’ve come from the business end of a rifle) received a hurry-up training in teaching, textbooks and revolutionary theory, and were sent to the farthest reaches of Cuba to teach the peasants how to read and write.
The young volunteers lived with their students, working the cane fields by day (“So this is what a machete’s for.”) and teaching literacy by night (“Finish that essay! Don’t make me get the machete!”). As the director pointed out, many lessons focused on revolutionary theory, and the first lessons involved spelling such useful words as “Fidel”, “Che”, and “Revolucion.” The final project was to write a letter to Fidel, thanking him for allowing them to learn to read and write. The letters were sincere enough, given that they were of a 1st grade reading level. It says a lot about who’s considered “literate” around here.
Since there were still anti-revolutionary “gangs” about, the volunteers were often in great danger. Still, the greatest danger may have been the peasants themselves. Rural folk tend to be the most conservative…believe me, it’s still true today. Many of them refused to be taught by a kid—thus, the kid would bring his “big brother” with some “encouragement” of the smokeless powder and full metal jacket variety. Still others were confused about those things that still confuse students today: mechanics, phonics, sentence structure, why it’s not okay to end sentences with prepositions. All of these were recounted gleefully by the museum director.
What I didn’t hear about, obviously, was of the one wise-ass cane-cutter (and there must’ve been a few out there) who had the nerve to say, “Hey kid, what’s the point in teaching us how to read and write if we can’t read what we want and write what we want?”
I wonder what happened to that guy? Was he “educated”? “Re-educated”? “Corrected”?
Something to think about, but not necessarily the place to ask. The area where the museum stands used to be Camp Columbia, the US base of operations from 1898-1902 when Cuba was a US “protectorate”. Furthermore, one of Batista’s villas is on the grounds. I’d be getting an earful if I opened my mouth around here.
Yet I had no trouble opening my mouth at the next stop, which was Jose Fuster’s house in Jaimanitas, on the outskirts of Havana. A warm, open artist, his whimsical work, and rum cocktails that could kill a horse certainly helped.
Fuster is an artist whose work is a cross between Picasso and Gaudi. I’m thinking it’s an amusement park designed by Timothy Leary. In fact, a whole town designed by him. Fuster has taken numerous areas of his town and created works of art out of them, thus creating a metropolis of psychedelic fun. Most of it is inspired by his own experiences, as well as Cuban culture and politics. A huge monument in his yard commemorates the “Cuban 5” a group of Cubans arrested for infiltrating Cuban-American networks with supposed terrorist aims.
I didn’t find it that incendiary. It looks like the up stretched hand of an overzealous gynecologist.
The man himself is more fascinating than his work. A veteran of the Literacy Campaign, Fuster is a steadfast supporter of the revolution. His glasses tell the story: the frames are red and black after the July 26th Movement. Given his swell digs and his ability to inflict his art on his neighbors, the revolution has been very, very good to Fuster.
I guess he gravitated toward me as we both had a lot in common: an abundance of flesh, a lack of hair, bad eyes, crushing intellects, and above all big mouths. We first spoke about Ecuadorian president Correa, since I told him my heritage. I was candid and frank in my reservations about the man, which he understood and gave his arguments. I then asked about the use of Che’s image: is it a “cartoon”, as I thought, or are these slogans really his? He explained that Che’s ideas were the foundation of the revolution to begin with, and his slogans are what adorn the walls and billboards.
(A Cuban revolution based on the ideas of a second-rate Argentine doctor?)
Our conversation evolved into whether or not Che today would’ve approved of the CUC system. Would Che have given his assent to a system that, while giving tourists access to Cuba and hard cash to the government, keeps the regular Cuban as a subordinate? Fuster explained, as best he could, that he probably would’ve seen it as Fidel sees it: a necessary measure in response to an economic crisis.
I didn’t exactly see it that way. Part of the reason that Che left in 1965 was probably that government was much messier than an ideological handbook. He got himself into many difficult situations, but the political swamp was too much for him.
My host was impressed, and greeted me as a “true intellectual.” Not sure about that, but my bullshit artistry is top-notch, as is Fusters’. I guess that’s why I liked him so much.
Yet the true rhetoric was left for later. We returned to the ICAP Friendship House for a meeting with Mariela Castro, director of the Cuban Center for Sex Education (CENESEX). If the name sounds familiar, it’s because she’s Raul Castro’s daughter, making her Fidel Castro’s niece. It’s about as close as I was going to get to a dictator, and after this encounter, I’m not sure if I want to get any closer.
Mariela seemed like a nice enough lady; her face resembles uncle Fidel’s in an entirely too-creepy way. There was a brief video about her work with Cuba’s gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community. It juxtaposed the more conservative attitudes of older Cubans with shots of rather flamboyant drag queens on stage—something that probably doesn’t bode well for gays and lesbians who want to present themselves as ordinary citizens.
She then gave a talk about the development of feminist organizations in Cuba, and their dovetailing into LGBT rights in Cuba. Again, nothing too inflammatory—I wish I were a fly on a wall when Mariela’s mom asked Fidel to approve of a womens’ organization during the revolution: “Dios mio, Vilma, what next?! Have our women wear fatigues, grow beards, and suck on Cohibas…oh, fine. You ladies have fun.”
Maybe it was cracks like that last one that caused Mariela Castro to go apeshit.
Channeling her loquacious uncle, Mariela goes on a two-three minute long rant about the embargo, the United States, the Cuban 5, terrorism theories, health care and Michael Moore. It’s right out of Fidel’s playbook, but with less bluster and more “why me?” shrugs as if Cuba were run by Ellen DeGeneres. It also had nothing to do with the stated topics of sex education and homosexual rights.
We were all taken aback, leftist and rightist alike. Everyone seemed nervous about asking questions.
I’ve had four straight days of propaganda, official meandering and obligatory bowing and scraping. My mother told me to be nice and not make trouble on this trip. By Thursday, I just had it. I raised my hand, and in English (I wish I said it in Spanish,) asked the following:
“Ms. Castro, I understand and agree that revolution is dissent (something she mentioned before), even as a conservative. I also understand that certain security measures were necessary to control dissent in order for the state to survive (alluding to measures against human rights—I’m still being nice.). If the embargo were lifted tomorrow, and Cuba had normal diplomatic relations with the United States, would the security measures against dissent be lifted.”
The crowd gasped. Then it murmered. One colleague quietly congratulated me on the question.
The translator, our tour guide, was taking his sweet time translating to Mariela Castro. When he did, it was in a low, barely audible voice that’s usually used when fixing horse races or boxing matches.
Sure enough, the question was mangled, and the answer was even more circular. But the cat was out of the bag.
Another colleague chimed in about the continued arrests and torture of homosexuals in Havana, based on firsthand accounts. Mariela countered by saying that the process was slow and ongoing, that there was no torture (surprise, surprise) and that any rights for homosexuals had to coincide with respect for traditional Cuban family values (which negates any of the work she’s doing).
Oh, and she stated that certain Cubans, including homosexuals, were being sent to labor camps to “appreciate the agrarian nature of the Cuban economy.” Just like Jews lined up to go to Auschwitz for the clean woodsy air and luxurious accommodations.
If you didn’t see the iron fist before, you saw it at that moment. And she said it with a smile, the kind of “oh well” smile you saw in such fabulous folks like Reinhard Heydrich, Lavrentii Beria or Augusto Pinochet.
It was the naked smile of totalitarianism…and it scared the living shit out of me.
My friend had a solution. One day, he was wondering the Vedado, the neighborhood near our hotel, when he came across a bookstore that had boxes of contraband books. I asked him that evening to take me there.
When we got to the store, it was a storefront like all the others, books by Fidel, Marx, Lenin, Marti, Che, the usual suspects. Yet when we peered in, a thin, gangly man with worn clothes and a baseball cap greeted us.
This man, who I’ll call Juan, was a homosexual, and started to show me books of banned art, much of it homoerotica, in the assumption that my orientation was likewise. This was a natural assumption as Vedado was known as a gay neighborhood and my friend who found the place was also gay.
I thanked him for showing the art, but I explained that I was more interested in banned writers, press censorship, official repression and whatnot. Juan was happy to oblige. It seems he was waiting, hoping, praying that someone, ANYONE would listen to his experiences. His shabby house, with only one bad TV and a rotten mattress, had thousands, literally, of books cataloged in boxes that filled the space.
Juan took me to box after box, book after book of writers on the official writers’ guild, UNEAC, who still manage to arouse government suspicion, if not outright repression. Official publications, such as the journals of the Young Communist League, are also used in a quiet rebellion against the regime. He was very careful in watching the front: the showpiece of the Marxist books had to be manned at all times, and there were occasional police cars that often stopped.
I shared with Juan and his friends our encounter with Mariela Castro. They were beside themselves in glee, even pointing out that I was wearing the same color green as Fidel’s uniform (a double insult, apparently). Word on the gay street is that Mariela uses the gay movement as her personal steppingstone to power. If she was serious about giving gays equal rights, Juan noted, why doesn’t she push for an LGBT league within the Cuban Communist Party, the way the women and young people have it? No such organization is in the works.
I asked about the police, and Juan smirked: “We don’t worry about the cops in uniform. They just want to bust balls, since half of them are gay anyway.” The ones in plainclothes, from MININT’s State Security Division or from the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs), are the most dangerous because they are the real strong arm of the regime.
CDRs are local civilian committees that were created to protect the regime against enemies. Neighborhood committees have mandatory meetings, and are expected to report on any counterrevolutionary activity. Many of these snitches use the opportunity to settle old scores with neighbors, bringing up trumped-up or bogus charges to have their problems dealt with. It is the CDR that holds the population in fear, says Juan.
In a country of 12 million people, 5 million are police. The rest are waiting to inform on their neighbors to the police.
I asked if he was ever harassed by security forces. Juan was kind enough to share two examples. The first was when he was picked up and harassed by the police about his whereabouts. The police alleged he was in Santiago at a certain date, and Juan denied it. He explained that now, because of this accusation, he can never go to Santiago because the police would then change their story to utilize the inconvenient facts.
The second was almost too much to bear. Either a Security Division agent or a CDR captain, I can’t remember which, picked up Juan and harassed him about his acquaintances and his whereabouts. He answered each question rather smugly, which wouldn’t be bright in most circumstances, but Juan’s friends in UNEAC have kept him out of serious time. The agent then scolded Juan in saying his attitude, “was not very revolutionary.”
At this Juan exploded, “Look, I don’t have a penny to my name. I live in a shitty abandoned house with one TV and a rotten mattress. All I own are old books and the clothes on my back. I can barely survive since I subsist almost solely on rations. How in God’s name can I NOT be revolutionary! I AM THE REVOLUTION!”
It was a lot to take in today. I gladly bought a stack of Juan’s contraband suggestions and returned to the hotel to freshen up for the night. As I entered my shower and turned on the faucet, something in me broke. It all hit me at once.
I began crying and sobbing uncontrollably.
Did no one fucking see what I saw? It’s like if don’t realize how wrong this regime is, than you’re either too stupid or you’re in on the repression in some way. By now, in my mind, everyone was suspect: the bus driver, the tour guides, the presenters and curators, Fuster, half the delegation itself.
For a brief moment, I even suspected Mariana. Her glowing admiration for Mariela Castro had me so worked up that I daydreamed of putting everyone on a wall—her included—and having a firing squad unload on them.
This was too much. I needed some sanity.
In short, I needed a drink.
In hindsight, this was not the wisest decision on my trip. Not only does booze make me honest; it also makes me generous.
We went over to the Casa de Musica in Havana Centro for salsa dancing and carousing. I was not only half drunk already, but in a generous mood to any ordinary Cuban. 20 CUC bills were flying out of me like an ATM, with grateful Cuban waiters as the recipients. Bottles of rum, colas, ice and even French fries rounded out our table. That waiter took care of us as if I was Batista himself—I doubt Fidel appreciates a decent bottle service.
By the time I got into the cab to go home, I was ready to kill. So with my friend Britton taping on his camera—as he was want to do—I unloaded the mother of all drunken rants, in Spanish. I cursed out Fidel, Che, Camilo Cienfuegos (I apologize for Camilo, since I kinda like the guy), Mariela Castro, the police, the CDRs, the whole damn revolution (though I think I didn’t use the word “damn.”). The driver quietly drove on. Britton was beside himself, either with laughter or fear.
By the time I got to my room, still piss drunk, I was ready.
I was ready for Fidel to die so I could grab a rifle and start the counter-revolution.
Part VII explains the hangover from Part VI, including Che and Fidel merchandise, a huge outdoor concert, and visits to local houses.
The Castro Retirement: Passing of the Guard, or a Prelude to Counter-Revolution?
Fidel and Raul Castro (Photo courtesy of AP)
Rare is the tyrant that manages a graceful exit.
In Cuba, the second tyrant in a row is attempting just that.
At the announcement of his re-election as Cuba’s president, Raul Castro, who took over from his brother, former president Fidel Castro, announced that he will step down as leader when his new term ends in 2018. It is part of the slow process of handing over power over Cuba’s socialist system to a generation of leaders with no connection to the 1959 Cuban Revolution.
Yet even more surprising is the follow-up. Castro planned some serious changes for Cuba’s political system: term limits, age caps (even for president), even constitutional amendments subject to popular consent via referendum.
Have the Castro brothers thrown in the towel? Hardly.
Over the past decade, as the 26th of July generation have died off one by one, young apparatchiks within Cuba’s Communist Party have been jockeying for position in the new order. Those disloyal or harboring counterrevolutionary sympathies were cast aside, as young loyalists gradually filled in top jobs in the Politburo, the armed forces and the cabinet.
Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, the new top vice president selected by Raul, is a perfect example of the tumult among the cadres. An electrical engineer, Diaz-Canel’s 52 years make him a fetus to the gang that fought in the Sierra Maestra toppling Batista. He rose quickly, as a local party boss in tourist-heavy Villa Clara and Holguin provinces where important connections were made. Diaz-Canel was formerly minister of higher education, and has already been influential in talks with key ally Venezuela.
So the new blood is simply that…new. It doesn’t necessarily mean a change in mentality, unfortunately.
This transition reminds me of another blood-soaked tyrant that attempted a gradual fade: Augusto Pinochet. His conditions to step down were ludicrous in hindsight: commander-in-chief of the armed forces for another ten years, and a senator for life, free from prosecution. In the face of growing popular opposition, the general wanted to make sure the future governments would be under his ideas, if not his more velvet-gloved iron hand.
It didn’t help him, though. We saw him for the tyrant he was.
Castro’s announcement, honestly, left me with more questions than answers. In the end, I’m left with two conclusions:
First, the Castros have an even worse situation than Pinochet. To be sure, the move to gradual withdrawal seems shrewd. However, unlike Pinochet’s Chile, which was severely polarized, Cuba’s rank and file has been fed up with the Castros for at least two decades. The loyalists can hold the socialist line to a point—that point being the end of Fidel and Raul’s funeral procession. I just don’t see how Diaz-Canel can command the loyalty of a people who were clearly betrayed by two predecessors more powerful—and more charismatic (at least in Fidel’s case)—than he.
Yet even more important, as the list of potential reforms rings in my head, I cannot help but glimpse at Raul’s little sneer. The whole reform process, even the constitutional changes, seem less a transformation of Cuba and more a stalling tactic to keep the Castros and the Communist Party in power.
The reason? If these reforms—age caps, term limits, referenda—were so important to Cuba’s body politic, what took the Castros so long to introduce them? Are the Castros special? Do they not merit the same guarantees AND limitations placed on all Cubans through their constitution?
Part of the success of the American system is the realization by our founders that dictatorships don’t work—even for those who blaze the trail. George Washington relinquished command of the Continental Army after the American Revolution. He only served two terms as President when he could’ve been in office for life.
To make a republican system work, its founders needed to lead by example: an example of restraint.
The Castros are hardly a model in this case. For most of its history, their regime lacked any hint of restraint institutionally, legally and practically. Restraint meant a loss of power, at least in Fidel and Raul’s mind. It ultimately cheapened the Revolution into a personality cult where the Castros were above any law even they conceived.
Therefore, to saddle the future generations of loyal Companeros with institutional burdens the founders lacked makes the whole exercise seem ingenuous.
These so-called reforms will turn the house of cards into a bigger house of cards—one that can fall much more easily.
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